Opinion

The NDC’s call for an Uprising Violence in our Politics lives on

January 8, 2021 By 0 Comments

For the umpteen time I have to write about violence in our political history and current affairs.

Today, I may have to remind all the National Democratic Congress (NDC) members and sympathisers, that the laws they put in place, which we called the 1992 Constitution, is what the President and those in authority are abiding by.

When we talk about the weakness of the Constitution and the fact that it does not sometimes consider the larger majority of the populace, we are told that the New Patriotic Party (NPP) boycotted the assembly which was gathered to write it. Of course, I am not surprised when coming from a breed of humans who believe that the repetition of lies would be accepted as the truth.

What the people deceived by the NDC do not know is that there was no political party in Ghana when the Constitution was being drafted. The 258-member Consultative Assembly begun work on the drafting of the Constitution on August 25, 1991. This assembly, initially to be 260 members, was made up of 117 persons elected by the District/Municipal/ Metropolitan Assemblies, 121 elected from identifiable bodies, and 22 persons appointed by the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC).

Two bodies, the Ghana Bar Association (GBA) and National Union of Ghana Students (NUGS), refused to send a representative each to the Consultative Assembly on the grounds that the structure of the membership would assure the predominance of PNDC sympathisers.

The Assembly completed its assignment and handed over the draft Constitution to the PNDC on March 11, 1992.

A referendum on the new constitution was held on April 28, 1992, and out of a total of 8,255,690 registered voters, the results had 3,680,974 voting, with 3,408,119 or 92.59% voting “Yes,” and 272,855 or 7.41% voting “No.” It was a 44.58% turn-out. The ban on political parties was lifted on May 18, 1992, so how can the New Patriotic Party (NPP) boycott the Consultative Assembly which was commissioned in 1991 and submitted its report to the government two months before political parties were formed?

The fears of GBA and NUGS are now fully manifesting in our Constitution. The Constitution was tailored to suit one individual, and worst of all, there were no hindsight into things that could occur and how to address them when they do.

There was a good debate put up by Paul Adom-Okyere when he asked what could happen in Ghana if the Covid-19 pandemic had made it impossible for Ghanaians to go out to vote on December 7? Who would be the President, the Speaker and Members of Parliament after January 7, 2021? There was no straight forward answer in the Constitution.

Now on this hot issue about the Hohoe seat, held for the first time by the NPP, and in the person of John Peter Amewu. The Guan District used to be part of Hohoe Municipality until the Guans went into the new region, Oti. The traditional leaders of Guan took this issue to court because they wanted out of Oti to join Hohoe in the Volta Region.

After the court had settled the matter, the government created a district to be called Guan. It is only after that, that the Electoral Commissioner could create a constituency. Unfortunately, she could not lay the Bill in Parliament for the mandatory 21 working days before it could mature into law and the constituency would have been created. That could not happen, and, according to the law, a newly-created constituency can only join the House after the dissolution of the Parliament that created it.

The NDC is at war with this, with some insisting that the President and the Electoral Commissioner (EC) should have bent the law and allowed a constituency to be created by any means possible. But the President swore an oath to uphold the Constitution.

The question is, assuming the President is caught violating the Law, what would be done to him?

It is for one of these reasons that the NDC is all over the place propagating violence, and some, like the refugee, Kelvin Taylor, calling for street action. He is hiding in the United States of America and asking the sons and daughters of poor Ghanaians to go and cause mayhem.

Then another very famous NDC guru, Efo Worlanyo Tsekpo, made a chilling statement, virtually calling for bloodshed, which was shared on Facebook by one Belinda.

Tsekpo is the one who vowed that should the EC be able to compile a new voters’ register he would voluntarily make himself available to be castrated. When the registration was opened, he was among the first to register in his polling station, and today, he is still walking about with his manhood intact. He had failed to honour the vow he made before man and God, and Tsekpo is today calling for an uprising whereas he never could live to be true to his promise.

After the recent elections, violence and calls for violence are coming from the NDC. Some of its members are even saying that they have the full support from Ewe army personnel who have dominated the forces.

Whenever there is court ruling against them, the NDC members will come out condemning the judges and warning them of the consequences of their judgment.

Today, sounds of war are getting closer and closer to us, and honestly, we do not know when that first shot would be fired.

It is now like a do-or-die affair in the sight of the NDC, with civil disobedience and disrespect for the law now becoming their pastime.

The leaders of the NDC told Ghanaians John Mahama had actually won the presidential election and all hell broke loose, because EC Jean Mensa came out with a different message. Then riotous demonstrations were embarked upon by the members until the NDC gurus finally went to court.

Yet, the NDC has pledged to continue street demonstrations to sound a note to the EC and Supreme Court that its presidential candidate won the election. And even when demonstrations are to be orderly managed by the police who are backed by the Public Order Act, the NDC believe it was wrong for the police to postpone their demonstrations using the courts.

The rule of law, which the NDC claims they take root from, has now made way for the political theory of Democratisation of Violence, which was formed by the late J.J. Rawlings. That is about arming oneself and asking an opponent to also get armed, then both of you can sit down to talk. It is obvious what would happen if one or the other is not armed. So to put that theory into practice, the NDC is arming itself to face our armed security agents.

The NDC and the Nkrumaists are always calling the United Party (UP) traditionalists a blood thirsty violent group. However, the NDC was born out of violence and acknowledges that so far as violence is concerned, no party or group of people can came anywhere close to them.

A few instances to debunk the misconception going on that the UP tradition is a violent group include:

  1. Kwame Nkrumah introduced institutionalised terrorism when obnoxious laws like the PDA and False Report Bill were used not only to gag free speech, but to throw innocent people into jail without trial. Today, none of the Nkrumaists or the NDC members has come to condemn these laws among others, but rather praise Nkrumah for propagating them. Yet they will viciously condemn other acts of the current government which are now here near what people suffered under Nkrumah.
  2. Due to the fact that among others things Nkrumah relented on his promise to increase the producer price of cocoa, but rather lowered and hedged it, many CPP elements in the then Ashanti Region, in February 1955, broke away to form the National Liberation Movement (NLM). They included Victor Owusu, R.R. Amponsah, Joe Appiah, J.C. de Graft Johnson and E. Kurankyi Taylor.

In a related issue, during an argument between the NLM’s Propaganda Secretary, Emmanuel Yaw Baffoe, and his counterpart from the Convention Peoples Party (CPP), Twumasi-Ankrah, who had entered the NLM’s office and tore the place apart, the CPP member stabbed Baffoe to death. And that sparked off violence and disturbances in the region. Today, no Nkrumaist/NDC talks about the killing, but only reacts to the reaction of people against the killing and calling the NLM and the UP tradition it later joined as a violent, blood thirsty group.

  1. Nkrumah made sure anyone with dissenting view was arrested and detained. A complete violation of human rights and some of his victims died in prison.

Violence continued when during the Rawlings’ regime many were killed institutionally. Under cover of darkness – during curfew hours – people were picked from their homes and shot dead. A typical example was the abduction and killing of three judges and an ex-army officer. Justices Poku Sarkodee, Cecilia Koranteng Addow and Agyei Agyapong and Major Acquah (Rtd) met their untimely deaths on Thursday June 30, 1982. Cecilia Koranteng Addow was a nursing mother, then.

When Rawlings’ daughter, Zanetor, and her boyfriend broke up, the young man was abducted and dumped into a cell in the Osu Castle and his head shaved clean with broken bottles. The young man’s rights were seriously violated.

Earlier, in 1979, Rawlings had ordered the killing of some army generals, including three former heads of state. During his last interview, which was on Asaase FM, he said those who were killed had to die, not because they were guilty of any crime, but that they had to, to protect about eighty or so guilty ones. This is violence and violation of some people’s rights.

The problem with the UP tradition is that no one seems to want to talk to defend the tradition when lies are peddled against it.

Hon Daniel Dugan

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect The Chronicle’s stance.



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